David Domke, God willing? Political Fundamentalism in the White House, the "war on terror ', and the Echo Press. London and Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press, 2004. 240 pp.

The relationship between politics and the media has always been an issue for large studies. On the other hand, the use of religious discourse in addresses and speeches by politicians back to their policies is nothing new. But what this book is excellent and makes something else is then carried out an investigationof the interconnections between all these three together. Said David Domke book is ideally positioned to cut right into the heart of debates about the modern developments at the interface of religion, politics and media in the U.S.. According to him, foreign, foreign and domestic developments in the wake of the terrorist attacks of 11 were September 2001 not only the (neo-) conservative, but also firmly grounded in a (Christian) religious fundamentalism. Domke arguesthat the Bush administration has a religious worldview in the political policy turned around and has created what Domke calls a "political fundamentalism", defined as "an intertwining of the conservative religious beliefs, political and strategic communication" (p. 6) . The book is also a critique of the Bush administration's disregard for democracy in the months after the attack.

The introductory chapter of God's will? four main characteristics of the Bush --Management of communication that in a religiously conservative beliefs were well founded: (1) a binary concept of reality (apparent in the consistent use of two buildings): good vs. evil and security vs. risk, (2) an obsession with time and demands for immediate action against terrorism (manifested in two convictions: that action in the here and now is imperative, and that it is committed to a course of action if it is perceived God inspired to be a permanent character), (3 )Declarations about the will of the United States, God and the values of liberty and freedom, and finally (4) an intolerance for dissent (seemingly unified voice in the administration of public communication to its appeals for other political actors in the political unity and its harsh criticism of dissenters). In each of the following chapters of these characteristics is defined and discussed in detail, with reference offers its constant presence in the public communication ofThe President of between 11 September 2001 and 1 May 2003.

In Chapter 2 he examines the presence of two binaries in the President's speech and the media reports after 11 September - good vs. evil and security vs. risk-and argues that these conceptions of reality and reflection contributed to a sense of moral certainty under the Bush administration that was used to limits on civil liberties and large pre-emptive military action and justify the same time help generate public support for thePresident and government "war on terror."

Chapter 3 provides information on time histories of discourse on the management and reporting, and argues that it allows you to manage simultaneously for immediate action on certain "war on terrorism, push" strategies and justify this request, as a necessary step in a long-term, God-given process. The consequence was clear: not to act too quickly, or it was not to endure in the fight against terrorism, a further risk11. September.

In Chapter 4 of the offered evidence, such as general gospel of freedom and liberty, which is offered by the president and works from the press coverage as a key reason for the foreign policy of the government, especially in the establishment of the new doctrine of preventive war and the Iraq .

Chapter 5 focuses on the management of the emphasis on political unity and cooperation of which differed allegations hard to encourage support for the administration and to recommendthat everyone who was unpatriotic held opposing views, and possibly placing people in the United States in danger.

Chapter 6 reflects the collection of evidence in three key areas. First, it argues that the Bush administration offers an instructive example of how political fundamentalism is widespread support in the United States to win. The chapters in the second section examines the role of media in these processes, arguing that in a national context, challenge,considered commercial mass media on the discourses of political conservatives, especially those who are religiously justified. The final section of the chapter examines how cultural leaders could craft a moral discourse that counters the hegemony of political fundamentalism, and why it is for U.S. citizens is of vital importance that they and others are doing.

Chapter 7 provides conclusions relating to effects of the political fundamentalism of the administration for democracy, both in the United Statesand worldwide.

In the way the writer brings in-depth analysis of a wide range of empirical material, David Domke work is of great value to study. However, the extent to which their work can contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between religion, politics and the media is a matter of question. Some scientists may the role of religion has been exaggerated. Some scientists are wondering how he has analyzed importance of education and reception in the media, since it allowssubjective issue. Nevertheless, the book is very clear how the actions of the Bush administration and the media are directly counter to basic American democratic ideals and principles. It shows how civil religion is used to promote their political goals and to justify himself to interest. Thus, "God willing" is a must for anyone who cherishes view of American democracy, who feels uneasy about using the Bush administration of religious images, and those whoConcerns about the way the media helps Bush on his agenda. However, it is promoting the potential and the need for further discussion on the topic that others can.